Предлагаю в этой ветке размещать не просто редкие монеты античного мира, а редкости к которым есть интересное аукционное описание, это очень полезно и интересно. Такие описания, собранные в одном месте самое оно.
Начинаем:
**************************

Achaeus, 220 – 214
Tetradrachm, Sardis 220-214, AR 16.76 g. Diademed and draped bust r. Rev. BAΣIΛEΩΣ -?AXAIOΥ Athena Promachos advancing l., holding shield decorated with anchor and hurling spear; in inner l. field, horse’s head l. and in outer r. field, monogram. WSM 1440 var. (different control-mark). CSE 608 var. (different control-mark). Seleucid Coins 953 var. (different control-mark). An unrecorded variety of an exceedingly rare type, apparently only the fifth tetradrachm known of Achaeus. A splendid Hellenistic portrait in the finest style of the period lightly toned and extremely fine The nobleman Achaeus was presented with his first opportunity at kingship in 223 B.C. when his cousin, the reigning Seleucid King Seleucus III, was assassinated in the midst of a campaign in Asia Minor. Achaeus’ stern refusal must have earned him the trust and respect of Antiochus III, brother of the deceased Seleucus III, who himself became the next Seleucid King. He thus gave Achaeus authority over Asia Minor, and with it the task of recovering the vast territories that the Seleucid rebel Antiochus Hierax (c.242-227 B.C.) had lost to the Pergamene King Attalus I. Achaeus found quick success in his re-conquests and by 220 had been persuaded to revolt against his cousin Antiochus III, who at the time was busy suppressing a revolt in Babylon. Whereas in 223 the soldiers had been anxious for Achaeus to assume the title of king, this time they proved to be not as supportive, and they resisted his desire to march on Antioch. Instead, he had to placate the troops with raids into Pamphylia and Pisidia in search of spoils. Meanwhile, Attalus I seized the moment to recover some lost properties in Asia Minor and Antiochus III, now freed from his obligations in the East and in treaty with Ptolemy IV, was ready to engage Achaeus and his rebellious troops. In the events that followed Antiochus III was the prime beneficiary: not only did he assume control over most of the territories that Achaeus had recovered, but he trapped his rebellious cousin within the walls of Sardes. The siege began to pay dividends late in 215 or early in 214, and by late 214 it ended with the sacking of Sardes and the capture of Achaeus, who was flayed, beheaded and impaled. Most, if not all, coins of Achaeus are thought to have been struck at Sardes, and are comprised of gold staters, silver tetradrachms, and small bronzes. The precious metal issues are extremely rare, no doubt due to their aggressive confiscation. Achaeus’ design choices for his precious metal coins are decidedly non-Seleucid, as they appear to have been inspired by the contemporary issues of the Macedonian King Philip V (221-179 B.C.). Were it not for the Seleucid anchor on the shield of Athena Alkidemos and the control symbol of a horse head, one might not even suspect these coins were issued by a member of the Seleucid royal house.

Greek Coins
South Arabia, Qatabanian coinage
Yad'ab Dhubyan Yuhargib, circa 155-135 BC. Tetradrachm, AR 16.27 g. yd'ab dbyn bn[?...] ("Yad'ab Dhubyan, son of [...]" in South Arabian letters Male head r., with curly hair. Rev. mlk qtbn ("king of Qataban" in South Arabian characters Bearded male head l., with hair tied around ending in a knot. Triton sale XVII, 2014, 404. Of the highest rarity, apparently only the second specimen known. An issue of great importance and fascination with two very appealing portraits, toned and about extremely fine / good very fine The coinage of south Arabia consists principally of Sabaean, Qatabanian and Himyarite issues, together with smaller issues identified as Hadramite and, perhaps, Minaean. Some of the Sabaean and Himyarite issues are relatively plentiful and bear familiar types, but other of these coinages are seldom encountered and are only rudimentarily understood. In the latter category are the Qatabanian issues that bear a variety of interesting portraits, including this piece, which appears to be of an unpublished variety. Until a similar coin appeared in the recent Triton XVII auction (lot 404), the tetradrachm denomination was unknown for this series. The present coin is a valuable addition to the corpus. It was struck with the same reverse die as the Triton example, but due to its slightly different centring it adds details to the inscription. Most importantly, it was struck with a different obverse die that, while sharing the same portrait type, has a distinctly different inscription that demands careful study. The portrait accompanied by the variant inscription is engraved in a most intriguing style. The subject appears to be a heavy-set, middle-aged man with a powerful neck and a distinctive nose; he is clean-shaven and his curly locks of hair are cut short. Though it possibly is the image of a deity, it likely represents a person, perhaps the issuer of the coin. In a general sense the bearded and long-haired portrait on the reverse is more remote and idealized than its companion. However, they both have similarly broad necks and distinctive noses and brows, which may indicate that if the second portrait represents a person, the two may be related. One might speculate that they are co-rulers (a father and his destined successor?) or that the current ruler is portrayed along with a venerated ancestor.

Greek Coins
Segesta
Tetradrachm circa 405-400, AR 17.36 g. EGESTAIΩN Aegestes, the city’s founder, as hunter, standing r. with l. foot upon rock, r. hand resting on hip, l. elbow on knee; he wears a pilos suspended behind the neck, sword hanging from strap around l. shoulder, ankle-booths (cothurni) and chlamys over l. arm; two javelins in l. hand. At his feet, two hounds r. and in r. field, ithyphallic herme l., wearing petasus. Rev. ΣELE - ΣTAZIB Head of the nymph Segesta r., wearing earring and necklace, hair caught in amphyx and sphendone. Behind head, ear of barley. Rizzo pl. LXII, 13 (these dies). Kraay-Himer 203 (this obverse die) and 204 (this reverse die). Mildenberg, Kimon in the manner of Segesta, pl. 11, 20. Lederer 5. Extremely rare and undoubtedly the finest specimen in private hands. A very important and prestigious issue of fine style with a very interesting and well accomplished obverse composition. Struck on a very broad flan with a lovely tone and still partially un-cleaned, otherwise extremely fine Ex Leu sale 61, 1995, 65. The coinage of Segesta started in about 475/70 B.C. with silver didrachms that depict a standing hound on the obverse and the head of the local nymph on the reverse. That series lasted seventy years or more, during which time the hound was shown in a variety of poses and there was a significant development in the style of the nymph’s head. Tetradrachms were not struck at Segesta until about 415 B.C., overlapping didrachm production by only about fifteen years. The hound and nymph both spoke to the foundation mythology of the city. The hound represented the river-god Crimisus, who in the poem Alexandra, attributed to the 3rd Century Greek poet Lycophron, is said to have seduced a fugitive Trojan woman, Aegista (Segesta). Their child, Aegestes, is credited with the foundation of Segesta and the lesser communities of Eryx and Entella. In the historical tradition, Segesta was founded by Elymians, a people who in comparison with Greeks and Carthaginians qualified as indigenous Sicilians. The Elymian homeland is unknown: they may have migrated from Liguria, though most often they are described as having arrived from Asia Minor. Their distinctive language, written with the Greek alphabet, is still un-deciphered. By the time Segesta began to issue tetradrachms near the end of the 5th Century, that denomination had become the preferred silver coin of Sicily. The earliest tetradrachms, dated by Hurter to c.415/12-c.410 B.C., have on their obverse a quadriga scene with some variety. The reverse has a truly remarkable type showing a young man holding a spear; he has one foot set upon a rock as he peers into the distance as if from an elevated lookout. At his side one or two hounds either are scenting or are looking forward alertly. After the initial issue, this scene alternates from the obverse to the reverse, and on many tetradrachms the ethic is rendered in both Greek and Elymian. Though no inscription provides his name, the young man must be Aegestes, the founder of Segesta, or the river-god Crimisus, portrayed as a hunter. Aegestes seems a likely candidate, yet Aelian (Var. Hist. ii.33) notes that Crimisus was worshipped in human form at Segesta. On one die from the initial group a herm (boundary marker) appears before him – a design feature that would recur on all but one die that followed. The next issues pair the hunter design with two unique types – a facing head modelled after the work of Kimon at Syracuse, and the nymph Segesta sacrificing at an altar in a scene reminiscent of that on tetradrachms of Himera. Thereafter, the accompanying type is either a quadriga or the head of the nymph Segesta, shown in profile, as on the present coin. A perennial concern of Segesta was its frontier territory, which bordered on that of Selinus to the South. This wholly original scene probably reflects the vigilance of the men of Segesta along their border with Selinus. Starting in the late 5th Century the local dispute of Segesta and Selinus grew out of proportion and drew the involvement of distant powers. In 416 B.C. it led to Syracusan and Athenian interventions that three years later culminated in the destruction of an Athenian armada. In 410/9 B.C. it gave pretext for a Carthaginian invasion which resulted in the destruction of Selinus and Himera. A few years later, new hostilities in the region of Selinus triggered an even more severe Carthaginian invasion which, in 406/5 B.C., resulted in the sacking of Acragas, Gela and Camarina, and left the Carthaginians in control of much of the island. By the time Segesta began to issue tetradrachms near the end of the 5th Century, that denomination had become the preferred silver coin of Sicily. The earliest tetradrachms, dated by Hurter to c.415/12-c.410 B.C., have on their obverse a quadriga scene with some variety. The reverse has a truly remarkable type showing a young man holding a spear; he has one foot set upon a rock as he peers into the distance as if from an elevated lookout. At his side one or two hounds either are scenting or are looking forward alertly. After the initial issue, this scene alternates from the obverse to the reverse, and on many tetradrachms the ethic is rendered in both Greek and Elymian. Though no inscription provides his name, the young man must be Aegestes, the founder of Segesta, or the river-god Crimisus, portrayed as a hunter. Aegestes seems a likely candidate, yet Aelian (Var. Hist. ii.33) notes that Crimisus was worshipped in human form at Segesta. On one die from the initial group a herm (boundary marker) appears before him – a design feature that would recur on all but one die that followed. The next issues pair the hunter design with two unique types – a facing head modelled after the work of Kimon at Syracuse, and the nymph Segesta sacrificing at an altar in a scene reminiscent of that on tetradrachms of Himera. Thereafter, the accompanying type is either a quadriga or the head of the nymph Segesta, shown in profile, as on the present coin. A perennial concern of Segesta was its frontier territory, which bordered on that of Selinus to the South. This wholly original scene probably reflects the vigilance of the men of Segesta along their border with Selinus. Starting in the late 5th Century the local dispute of Segesta and Selinus grew out of proportion and drew the involvement of distant powers. In 416 B.C. it led to Syracusan and Athenian interventions that three years later culminated in the destruction of an Athenian armada. In 410/9 B.C. it gave pretext for a Carthaginian invasion which resulted in the destruction of Selinus and Himera. A few years later, new hostilities in the region of Selinus triggered an even more severe Carthaginian invasion which, in 406/5 B.C., resulted in the sacking of Acragas, Gela and Camarina, and left the Carthaginians in control of much of the island.

Greek Coins
Euboea, Eretria
Tetradrachm circa 160, AR 16.85 g. Draped bust of Artemis r., hair in korymbos, bow and quiver over her l. shoulder. Rev. EΡETΡIEΩN Cow standing r., with filleted horns, head facing; in exergue, ΦIΛIΠΠOΣ. All within wreath. Regling, ZfN 38, 1928, 57 (this obverse die). Thompson, ANSMN 5, p. 27, 3 (this coin, not illustrated). Waggoner, ANSMN 25, 1980, p. 9 (this coin cited). Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage, pl. XLI, 612 (this coin). BCD Euboia 342 (this coin). Extremely rare and in exceptional condition for the issue. A wonderful portrait of Hellenistic style, lovely old cabinet tone and extremely fine Ex Leu 28, 1981, 106 and Lanz 111, 2002, BCD, 342 sales. From the Anthedon hoard of 1935 (IGCH 223). A variety of coins were struck from archaic through Roman times on Euboea, an island off the eastern coast of the Greek mainland that, as its name suggests, was “a land rich in cows.” Being so-named, it is no surprise that cows are a prominent badge on the coins of the island. Issues were produced at the cities of Chalkis, Eretria, Histiaia and Carystus, as well as by the Euboean League. BCD has observed that the cities tended to stop striking their independent coinages when the league coins were in production. Eretria was a prosperous coastal city located opposite the northernmost tip of Attica. It had two major phases of coinage. The first, from c.525 to 465 B.C., consists of tetradrachms and staters that show on their obverse a cow standing left, with its head reverted to receive a scratching from its left rear hoof. The reverses portray an octopus with the tips of its tentacles artfully curled. There was a degree of variety in the composition of these designs, and on the smallest fractional silver coins, obols and hemiobols, the obverse bore only a facing cow’s head. This enchanting tetradrachm is one of the flagship coins of the second phase, which may have began c.180 B.C., about a generation after the island had been freed from Macedonian rule in 196 by the proclamation of T. Quinctius Flamininus. (Oddly enough, in 198 Flamininus had virtually destroyed Eretria in an effort to defeat the Macedonians within, taking with him many works of art as his share of the spoils.) The style and fabric of these issues have matured considerably, and they represent some of the finest workmanship from the age of Hellenistic coinage. Artemis had a thriving cult nearby at Amarynthus, thus she is portrayed on the obverse. The reverse shows a laurel wreath in which a docile cow stands with its head facing the viewer. The fillets hanging from the cow’s head indicate it has been selected for sacrifice. This almost certainly is the case, for the worship of Artemis Amarysia locally had two aspects: a chthonic Artemis to whom defective or maimed sheep were offered, and Artemis Olympia, for whom bulls were sacrificed. This particular coin was part of the Anthedon hoard (ICGG 223) found in Boeotia in 1935. It is an important hoard that contained more than 25 silver coins, including four tetradrachms and one octobol of Chalcis, six tetradrachms and four octobols of Eretria, and ten New Style tetradrachms of Athens. The find was much discussed by those trying to establish absolute dates for the New Style coinage because it contained the first four issues of that series. Margaret Thompson was convinced that the Eretria tetradrachms in this hoard were struck in about 196, immediately after the city’s liberation from Macedon, and based upon that presumption and this hoard she tied the start of the New Style coinage to 196/5 B.C. D.M. Lewis, who championed a ‘low chronology’ which down-dated Thompson’s estimate by some 30 to 35 years (which is still the most widely held view), was not convinced that the Eretrian coins were stuck right after its liberation, and suggested that the Anthedon hoard was buried in about 161 B.C.

Greek Coins
Kings of Bithynia. Nicomedes I, 279 – 255
Tetradrachm circa 279-255, AR 16.91 g. Diademed head r. Rev. BAΣIΛEΩΣ / NIKOMEΔOΥ Warrior goddess (Thracian Bendis?) seated l. upon rock, holding spear and sword in its scabbard; a shield at her feet and behind, the stump of a tree. In outer l. field, Nike and in inner l. field, monogram. Waddington 1 and pl. XXIX, 2 (these dies). Hellenistic Kingdoms 186 (this obverse die). Mørkholm 414 (this obverse die). Extremely rare, only very few specimens known. An attractive portrait of fine Hellenistic style, good very fine / about extremely fine According to Herodotus those who would rule the Bithynian Kingdom were descendants of tribesmen from the Strymon valley in Thrace who had been driven from their homeland by invaders, and had crossed the Bosphorus and with little opposition to settle Bithynia. For several generations the chieftains of the Bithyni maintained quasi-independence under Persian oversight and achieved even greater autonomy after the campaign of Alexander III, who bypassed this region. Early in the 3rd Century B.C. one of these chieftains, Zipoetes, established rule over the entire region and became the first king of Bithynia. He rebuffed Macedonian advances on several occasions, and sometime around 280 B.C. he died, apparently at an advanced age. He was succeeded by his eldest son Nicomedes, who promptly killed all of his brothers except one, named Zipoetes, who escaped and temporarily ruled part of the kingdom. Relatively little is recorded of this Nicomedes’ deeds, though clearly he was talented and aggressive, for he enlarged his kingdom enough to acquire a port on the eastern shore of the Propontis, where he established his capital of Nicomedia. He was a philhellene who did much to encourage Greek ways in his territory. This must have required a concerted effort, for Herodotus describes the Bithyni as a wild, savage people who wore fox skins on their heads when going into battle. The fact that he was given a Greek name, Nicomedes, suggests that his father Zipoetes must also have had Hellenising aspirations. One of Nicomedes’ actions had a profound and lasting impact on Asia Minor as a whole. In 278/7 he negotiated an agreement with Gauls (who in 280/79 had caused havoc in Macedon), by which they were allowed to migrate en masse to Asia Minor. His objective was to gain mercenaries for his struggles against his brother, other regional foes, and the Seleucid King Antiochus I. Though the Gaulish reinforcements aided Nicomedes as promised, they soon took to brigandage and eventually suffered defeats from the Pergamene King Philetaerus, and by Antiochus I in about 270. Thereafter, they were settled in a part of northern Phrygia that came to be known as Galatia. Nicomedes was the first of eight Bithynian kings to strike coins, with his being especially rare. His tetradrachms, which appear to have been produced soon after Nicomedes founded his eponymous capital in c.264/260 B.C., rank among the prizes of Hellenistic-era coinage. His designs are essentially derived from the Alexander-Athena tetradrachms of Lysimachus, who had issued them in enormous quantities for fifteen years in western Asia Minor. The portrait of Nicomedes, described by Newell as embodying “...the rugged features of a strong-willed, able and pertinacious man,” is engraved in an excellent style that reflects Nicomedes’ desire to be seen as a Hellenistic king on par with his rivals. While his features are truly individualized, the portrait recalls the image of Lysimachus’ Alexander with its heavy, sculpted brow and pronounced nose and chin. The reverse blends the familiarity of Lysimachus’ universal coinage with local culture by depicting the warrior-goddess Bendis, the Thracian Artemis, in a format resembling the seated Athena type. It cannot be mere chance that the rock upon which Bendis sits is contoured to resemble Athena’s throne, and that the shield resting against it is somewhat Gaulish in appearance. In this case Nicomedes may even have been inspired by Aetolian League coins that depict Aetolia seated on a pile of Gallic shields, a design which probably was inspired by a sculpture in the temple of Apollo at Delphi that marked the repulse of the Gallic invasion in 279 B.C.

Greek Coins
Lampsacus
Stater circa 360, EL 8.42 g. Veiled head of Demeter l., wearing lotus flower wreath, earring and necklace. Rev. Forepart of Pegaus r. All within partially incuse square. Baldwin Lampsacus 16. SNG France 1157. Extremely rare. A wonderful representation of the goddess and work of a very talented master-engraver struck in very high relief, minor marks, otherwise extremely fine Ex Nomos sale I, 2009, 94. In terms of variety and beauty of engraving, no other series of ancient coinage can claim to exceed the gold staters of Lampsacus. Except for the terminal issue of staters, on which the artistry is clumsy, all other Lampsacus stater dies are of exceptional workmanship, and the range and treatment of their subjects is astonishing. Cyzicene electrum is its only peer among large-denomination coinages, and, considering the proximity of the two mints and their rivalry in regional and international trade, one can easily imagine that they competed to outshine each other with their numismatic masterpieces. Though the Cyzicene series is more substantial, the calibre of engraving often falls short, perhaps due to the number of dies that had to be created for such a voluminous series. The same cannot be said of Lampsacene gold, which seemingly was issued over a period of only 50 or 60 years. In all, Baldwin documents 41 issues of Lampsacene staters, of which eight bore figural types and the balance had portraits. Both of these series have much in common with the electrum hectai of Mytilene and Phocaea, which also contain a remarkable variety of designs that often are engraved with great skill. If coinage is any measure, Demeter was among the most venerated deities at Lampsacus. She appears on staters three times: as a portrait with rolled hair and a wreath of grain (Baldwin 9), as a veiled portrait with a wreath of lotus (?) (Baldwin 16 – the present issue), and, seemingly, as a half-figure rising from the earth, holding three stalks of grain (Baldwin 25). The latter type could easily be confused for the primordial Mother goddess Gaia (Ge), the identification preferred by Baldwin. However, it is equally likely to represent Demeter; if so, this type illustrates a core aspect of the Eleusinian Mysteries in which the goddess emerges from her annual stay in Hades, by which her return to the terrestrial world brings an end to winter and allows again for the planting and growth of crops.

Greek Coins
Demetrius I Soter, 162 – 150
Tetradrachm, Seleucia on the Tigris 161-150, AR 15.97 g. Jugate busts r. of Demetrius I, diademed, and Laudicea, draped and wearing stephane. Rev. BAΣIΛEΩΣ - ΔHMHTΡIOΥ Tyche seated l. on backless throne supported by winged tritoness, holding sceptre and cornucopiae; in outer l. field, HP ligate. In exergue, ΣΩTHΡOΣ. Seleucid Coins 1689.1. Of the highest rarity, apparently only very few specimens known. A very intriguing and historically important issue. Lightly toned, struck on a very broad flan, insignificant traces of overstriking, otherwise good very fine Prior to becoming a Seleucid king, Demetrius I was held hostage in Rome in keeping with the terms of the Treaty of Apamaea of 188 B.C. During his detention a succession of kings ruled the Seleucid world, including Demetrius’ father Seleucus IV, his uncle Antiochus IV and his young cousin Antiochus V. At a time when the Romans were punishing Antiochus V for treaty violations, Demetrius escaped captivity, raised an army and landed in Syria in the fall of 162 B.C. He found quick support, and his rival Antiochus V was soon executed, leaving Demetrius the new Seleucid king. With all of the political intrigue unfolding in Syria, the Romans represented their interests by encouraging Timarchus, the satrap of Media (and/or Babylonia), to revolt against Demetrius. (In fact, the Romans may have merely lent their support to a revolt that already had been active since c.163/2 against Demetrius’ predecessor, Antiochus V.) It is difficult to say how much progress Timarchus made, other than that he certainly captured Seleucia on the Tigris, where he struck some of his revolt coins. Upon learning of the revolt, Demetrius marched eastward early in 161; when their armies clashed in the spring, perhaps not far from Babylon, Timarchus was killed. Though the troubles of his reign were far from over, Demetrius was once again the sole Seleucid king. If the coinage of Seleucia on the Tigris is any indication, important events took place in the aftermath of the battle. The Babylonians conferred upon Demetrius the epithet Soter (‘saviour’) and he seems to have married his sister Laodicea, with whom he eventually had three children (two of whom, Demetrius II and Antiochus VII, would be kings). The first coins Demetrius struck at Seleucia – including this tetradrachm – were of a victorious and commemorative nature, and bore his new epithet. They appear to celebrate his marriage, as they are the only coins of his reign that portray Laodicea. The fact that so many (if not all) of these tetradrachms are overstruck on coins of Timarchus probably reflects the hurried circumstances of their production and, simultaneously, a desire to erase the memory of the rebellion.

The Roman Empire
Octavian as Augustus, 27 BC – 14 AD
C. Marius C F Tro. Denarius 13 BC, AR 3.63 g. AVGVSTVS Bare head r.; behind, lituus l. Rev. C MARIVS TR – O – III – VIR Head of Julia r., surmounted by oak wreath, between the heads r. of her sons Caius and Lucius. C 1. BMC 106. RIC 404. CBN 526. Extremely rare and in exceptional condition for the issue, possibly among the finest specimens known of this intriguing and historically important issue. Lovely old cabinet tone, minor areas of weakness, otherwise about extremely fine Though the Romans traditionally had considered the hereditary monarchies of the Greeks and Persians to be a degenerate form of government, they were soon to embrace the same principles. As Rome made this great transformation from a republic to an empire in which powerful individuals ruled without the consent of the senate, it was natural for the concept of dynasty to emerge. The first Roman to use dynastic imagery on coinage was Sextus Pompey, who portrayed his deceased father on denarii as early as 45-44 B.C. and who showed himself, his father and his brother on aurei of 42 B.C. But since both of these relatives were dead, the coinage was little more than an exhibition of his pedigree. Marc Antony took the concept to the next level when he began to depict his living relatives on coins not long after Julius Caesar was murdered. In doing so, Antony presented an active dynasty, for the coins bore portraits of several relatives, including his brother, his son, and perhaps three of his four wives. Augustus was not so bold as Antony, and his cautious, methodical approach to introducing monarchy proved more successful: it quietly emerged as a by-product of his increasing auctoritas, whereas Antony shamelessly advertised his family in the manner of an Oriental potentate. Augustus waited more than three decades, until 13 B.C., to make his first public expression of dynasty on coinage. Even then, in that same year, Dio tells us Augustus was nervous about public demonstrations of dynasty, for when Tiberius, then Consul, placed seven-year-old Gaius Caesar at the emperor’s side at public games, Augustus showed his displeasure to those in the crowd who offered praise, and he later reprimanded Tiberius for having placed his eldest grandson at his side (Dio LIV, 27). We are fortunate to have here the centerpiece of Augustus’ effort to represent his dynasty on coinage – a rare denarius showing on its obverse the portrait of Augustus and on its reverse portraits of his daughter Julia and her two sons at that time, Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar. The dynastic display is completed with another denarius showing the portrait of Julia in the guise of the goddess Diana, and with several coins depicting Marcus Agrippa, the husband of Julia and the father of Gaius and Lucius.

The Roman Empire
In the name of Nero Claudius Drusus
Aureus 41-45, AV 7.74 g. NERO CLAVDIVS DRVSVS GERMANICVS IMP Laureate head l. Rev. Triumphal arch surmounted by equestrian statue between two trophies; over and on architrave, DE / GERM. C 1. BMC Claudius 95. RIC Claudius 69. CBN Claudius 2 (Lugdunum). Calicó 315. Rare. A very attractive portrait struck on a very broad flan, minor edge marks, otherwise good very fine / about extremely fine Roman history, like that of any enduring empire, allows for speculation about how the course of events might have changed had certain people died, or in this case, not died. A perfect study in this is Nero Claudius Drusus, the younger brother of Tiberius. Unlike Tiberius, whom Augustus had always disliked, Drusus was much beloved by Rome’s first emperor. When Augustus wrested Livia from her first husband, she was pregnant with Drusus, and gave birth to him months after her marriage to Augustus. It is commonly understood that Livia’s first husband had sired Nero Claudius Drusus – but perhaps it is not impossible that Augustus was the father. Speculation aside, Augustus took instantly to the newborn Drusus and treated him as if he was a son of his own blood. The same cannot be said for Drusus’ brother Tiberius, who was already four years old when he came to live in Augustus’ household. Augustus saw personally to Drusus’ education and arranged his marriage to his extraordinarily noble and wealthy niece Antonia. Drusus’ career advanced quickly and, after commanding alongside his brother, he spent three years leading a campaign in Germany. While there Drusus was able to dedicate the great Altar of Lugdunum to Augustus on August 1, 10 B.C., the very day that his youngest son, Claudius (who struck this aureus in posthumous remembrance 50 years after his death) was born. But Drusus’ great possibilities ended tragically in 9 B.C. when he died of injuries he received falling off a horse at age 29. This reverse type celebrates his German campaign – for which his eldest son, Germanicus, was renamed – and depicts a now-lost triumphal arch.